196. |
As the figures
discussed above show, litigation in Hong Kong is undoubtedly expensive. In relation to the
smaller claims, the costs bill often exceeds or equals an unduly large proportion of the
claim amount. Whether the litigant is an ordinary individual or a large company, paying
for litigation in the HKSAR is often not regarded as getting value for money. It is likely
that one important factor behind the increasing number of unrepresented litigants is the
fact that they are unable to find affordable lawyers, even junior ones, to act for them.
There are also clear indications that the cost of legal services is making the civil
justice system uncompetitive and that large corporate litigants are finding it more
cost-effective to arbitrate or to litigate elsewhere. |
|
|
197. |
The question therefore
arises: To what extent will reforms to the civil justice system reduce litigation costs
The answer requires caution. |
|
|
197.1 |
In the first place, it
is extremely difficult to assess the overall costs implications of a set of reforms. It
may well be that while certain specific reforms may lead to the reduction of costs, other
reforms may create new points at which costs need to be incurred, off-setting or possibly
even exceeding the costs saved as a result of the other changes. For example, the
introduction of pre-action protocols by Lord Woolf is sometimes said to have increased
rather than reduced costs. This is discussed further below. |
|
|
197.2 |
Secondly, changes to
the procedural rules cannot in themselves be expected to result in a general
reduction in litigation costs. Reforms are again only a necessary but not a sufficient
factor in the lowering of litigation costs. Such costs are determined by the level of
legal fees which in our system are market-driven. |
|
|
198 |
Subject to these
caveats, changes to the civil justice system aimed at lowering costs can and should be
proposed. These are reforms which seek to eliminate rules which generate unnecessary
expense, reforms which discourage profligacy and which give the court more powers to
prevent oppressive conduct by richer litigants and to require procedural economy
generally. Such reforms also aim at facilitating operation of the market by increasing
transparency and the flow of information. |
|
|
199 |
To take a handful of
examples these include proposals seeking :- |
|
|
|
* |
to give overriding
prominence to the objective of countering the deficiencies of excessive cost, delay and
complexity identified above; |
|
|
|
|
* |
to change rules which
impose blanket interlocutory obligations often disproportionate to the issues in a
particular case; |
|
|
|
|
* |
to discourage
practices, such as the proliferation of interlocutory applications or the overworking of
witness statements or expert reports, which unnecessarily or disproportionately increase
costs; |
|
|
|
|
* |
to facilitate early
settlement by requiring greater openness between the parties and by increasing the
parties' options in making effective offers for settlement; |
|
|
|
|
* |
to make the parties'
potential liability to costs, both vis- -vis their own lawyers and the other side's
costs, more transparent and easier to assess; |
|
|
|
|
* |
to devise a system of
incentives and sanctions aimed at facilitating and enforcing procedural economy by the
parties and their legal representatives; |
|
|
|
|
* |
to reduce the need for
the expense of costs taxations. |